Mothra said:
whiterock said:
Mothra said:
4th and Inches said:
whiterock said:
RMF5630 said:
90sBear said:
whiterock said:
We disagree on methodology. It's not terribly instructive to conflate primary/general elections as you have done, and I don't think the pre-electricity era is terribly germane as parties were stronger (candidates typically elected at conventions) and newspapers were the only means of mass communication. One could even carry that argument further into the television age. More importantly, this discussion is not really about Trump. It's about DeSantis. Specifically, it's about what are his odds of winning in 2028 as either a sitting VP, or a former VP candidate, or a former governor. That is not a terribly hard calculation to make. How many "former governors,....." people out of office for two or more years have been elected POTUS in the last 100 years? 1. Ronaldus Magnus. How many former VPs (sitting or not) have won? 5. There's a reason for that:
A sitting VP would normally be expected to have the following advantages:
--greater name ID: already run/won on a national ticket. That matters in both primary and general, albeit in subtly different ways.
--greater fundraising base: a VP has not only exposure to, but actually developed and raised money from donors all across the country. a governor typically has only his/her own state fundraising base to start from. that is what makes, for example, a SD governor so much more of a longshot than a Tx or FL governor, assuming all other talents are equal. And, of course, a governor competing against a sitting VP will find many of those fundraising connections already committed.
--greater national party structure: a sitting VP has already helped with policy, elections, fundraising federal, state, and local officials. They know/owe him/her for something. More to the point, signing up with a challenger risks alienating a sitting VP. PACs and party officials are considerably harder to shake loose from supporting incumbents than the average voter. They have to work with those incumbents, now and possibly in the future. Yes, there is a cost to not supporting a challenger who goes on to win, but that cost is generally appraised as lower than the cost of bailing from an incumbent who goes on to win. A winning challenger understands that and typically offers a "general amnesty" after winning.
--and on an on and on.....
A sitting VP of any talent at all has a winning machine already in place. All the other competitors face the prospect of having to peel pieces of that away from an incumbent. Not easy work. and then there's this factoid, mentioned previously but apparently overlooked: How many VPs have assumed the office upon death or resignation of the POTUS? 4.
A governor has a winning machine in place that at a state level. And that is where they start from. But the going gets tougher the moment they leave the state, particularly when there is a sitting VP in the way. they can't veto a bill. The calculation of their donors while in office is "he's either going to be my President or my Governor, so I can't afford NOT to donate." After that Gov leaves office, though, the calculation is a lot more narrow - "how much do I love this guy." Sure, a lot will. But not 100%. And many of the checks will be smaller, befitting the wildly different risk/return scenario.
Same is true for a Senator, only a Senator cannot execute policy at a state level like a governor can. A senator is 1 out of a 100; a governor is 1 of 1. So if you are going to spend $10k a year to be able to get the ear of an elected official, you will quickly find yourself calculating bang for buck. There is more bang for buck with a governor than a senator. So senators have SOME of the advantages of holding a statewide office - statewide networks for fundraising and campaigning - but their lack of sole control over state agencies and the ability to stop legislation with the stroke of a pen means they are lesser creatures and their fundraising ability is discounted quite a bit.
iGiven the history, it's kind hard to understand why someone would argue with the following conventional wisdom: If you want to be POTUS and you have a chance to be VPOTUS, you better take it.
But neverTrumpism makes people say & do crazy things.
Running for president is a "If you're not first, you're last" situation. DeSantis has to decide the best opportunity for him and which window to aim for. Choose the wrong timing and the opportunity could be lost forever.
You seem to want the choice to boil down to just the odds, like roulette. Where based on the numbers (history) people have a certain percentage chance of winning. You also want to eliminate over 150 years of history to better the look of the odds towards the argument you are making.
The reality is it has more in common with something like Blackjack. Yes, there are absolutely odds that affect when and how much to hit, stay, double down, etc. But there are other factors in play as well. What does the dealer show? What cards have you already seen come out of the shoe so you might have an idea of what is left and take a chance to bet big?
That is the recent history in this scenario and you absolutely refuse to acknowledge Trump's effect on this decision (see bolded). You can't just brush off every critique of a the person that lost the last election, has multiple controversies surrounding him, and with his history of treating colleagues as "neverTrumpism".
Not brushing off, Trump is a negative plain and simple. He brings absolutely no positives at this point. DeSantis gets his votes in a General, no question. There is little reason for DeSantis to court Trumps base. He needs to get the Independents and Housewife that HATE Trump. He has the perfect vehicle, his stand against the Progressives in education will do it. Protect the kids, teach 3 R's and get them opportunities to succeed. He will crush the Suburbs where Trump lost it las time.
Trump brings low-propensity voters and minority voters that conventional GOP campaigns have never done well with. So while that part in bold is correct, with qualifications. DeSantis may not get ALL of Trump's votes. And how DeSantis confronts Trump in a contested primary will also have some impact. If he does it as you have occasionally phrased it, it will deeply divide the party. No one will join a coalition that is berating them for being the cause of all the problems. RDS knows that. But when two heavyweights start pounding on each other, the splatter can get indiscriminate.
So that's the only real concern I have with DeSantis....can he get ALL of Maga. That will not be easy. Certainly cannot be taken for granted. The risk of Trump not being on the ticket is that some/lots will drift away, forcing us to build a new (as yet unspecified) coalition. Now, DeSantis did a pretty good job of coalition building in FL. A 60-40 win almost by definition means he got nearly 100% of the MAGA vote. We just need to see how he plans to do that nationwide.
Ron DeSantis favorable rating in rural areas is only 43%.
And his favorable rating among people making less than $50k is only 30%. But RDS has a favorable rating over 50% with people making $100k+
He will not pull the Trump base with those numbers. He will pull the traditional GOP number that lost 08 and 12..
And Trump will pull the Trump base but not the traditional GOP or the independents that DeSantis pulls in, which of course lost him and his candidates the 2020 election and the 2022 midterms. No thanks to trying that a third time.
Time for some new blood. I'd rather lose with DeSantis than Trump. And I suspect if the Trump base has to choose between DeSantis and Biden/Newsome, they'll vote foe DeSantis.
and the converse is true as well. (wink).
The question is, is the Trump base bigger than what you call "traditional GOP" base. There are different ways to define "traditional GOP base." The neverTrump caucus is tiny. Now, if we talk about a "sensibility" caucus," that's quite a large one. And Trump will have some challenges there, ranging from the "near-neverTrumper" like you to the pragmatic "I wonder if his time has passed" people that seem to me to be the wide spot in the road. But if you add up all three - neverTrumper, near-neverTrumper, and "ponderers" - I'm not entirely sure you will clear 50%. (this board is not representative of the GOP coalition, which is growing in demographics different from the one which predominates here.)
The error in your calculation is merely a matter of degree. Not nearly as many people have crossed & burned the bridge as you have. But lots of minds are open and calculating.
I agree that Trump, like DeSantis, will garner a large swath of the Republican base, which is why DeSantis is such a more attractive candidate than the loser and re-tread narcissist. If his gubernatorial election is any indication, many of the independents and moderates who would never vote for Trump and were keys to Biden's victory in 2020 are going to vote for DeSantis. In short, a large number of the voters who would never consider a vote for your boy, Trump will pull the trigger for DeSantis. Conversely, the Trump base - as between DeSantis and Biden - will pull the trigger for DeSantis, unless of course Trump runs third party (a good possibility IMO). And that is the error in your analysis, IMO.
The sensibility caucus is much larger than you think, IMO. It lost Trump the last election. There's no reason to think it won't lose the next one. And of course, when Trump loses, there will be some excuse for the loss that has nothing to do with his character flaws, actions, or how unpopular he's become.
My analysis has less to do with what "should" happen than "will" happen. Right now, Trump is still in the lead for the nomination, sitting on a rock solid base of voters that are within striking distance of the nomination in anything other than a two-person race. RDS
could find a way to win. And he might not. I am mildly surprised that the polls on the issues we are discussing look the way they do (higher Trump support), but then in retrospect, shouldn't be. I've said all along Trump will be harder to beat than most suspect...
You calculation on what should happen in the general is not an unusual one - that we need to find a candidate with lower negatives and more appeal to independents. Nothing wrong with that per se. But as a general rule in politics, negatives tend to rise with name ID, and that is more true for Republicans than Democrats. It doesn't matter who our front-runner is. They will be demonized. GOP'ers know this, and ergo the argument loses punch the further one goes into the harder base, and the more the question "will he fight for me" starts to take precedence. RDS does not have a problem on such calculations. It's just that Trump sets the bar for such calculations.
And then there's this: moderate GOPers ALWAYS make the argument that we win in the middle. But that's not really true in the sense the argument is made: of a big third of the electorate swinging back & forth. Centrist GOP candidates do not have a particularly sterling record chasing those voters, for sure. Yes, the centrist appeals to swing voters SOUND logical, but then the general elections happen and our front runners are found to have gone AWOL on National Guard duty, snorted cocaine, built binders of women, tie dogs to the top of the car, collude with Russia, have picked VP candidates who can see Russia from their house or misspell "potatoe," etc..... Independent voters are softer/squishier voters. they tend to not vote in nasty elections (whereas base voters get ever more fired up.)
Trump v. Biden (which is what we're likely looking at) will be TWO very unpopular candidates. anything can happen. If we ramp up ballot harvesting operations to match Dems, we can win. And if we don't ramp up ballot harvesting operations to match Dems, then the candidates won't matter.