The Revolution Will Be Cosplayed

481 Views | 3 Replies | Last: 3 mo ago by Harrison Bergeron
Harrison Bergeron
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Interesting read.

https://www.facebook.com/share/17uspf45X1/

Text:

A commenter on my essay about weaponized excess empathy raised a couple of points that made me reconsider some additional aspects of the recent "protests" in Minneapolis. What struck me first was the disparity between the two people who were killed while confronting ICE: one a lesbian mother of three with no known violent background (who reportedly attempted to run over an agent with her car), the other a male VA nurse with a history of aggressive encounters with ICE. I believe the latter was shot in a terrible errorbut also a tragically rational one, given the chaos of the moment. What possible commonality could have tied these two people to the same fate?
The second thing that stood out was how performative all of it felt. Contrived. Scripted. If reason and law are not driving these protests, what is?
I've observed demonstrations for decadesfrom the civil rights and anti-war marches of the 1960s, through ANTIFA, BLM, George Floyd, and now Anti-ICE actions. Looking across that historical arc, I see a psychological shift in protest culture that has less to do with politics than with human nature.
Humans evolved to navigate danger, status, and belonging in small tribal groups. Those instincts never vanished; they were merely displaced. In a society where most people rarely face existential threats, the appetite for intensity finds substitutesextreme sports, competitive hobbies, or, increasingly, moral struggle.
When people operate inside environments they instinctively know are safebounded by laws, media attention, and predictable institutional responsesbehavior changes. Outrage becomes ritualized. What starts as protest gradually drifts into performance. Contemporary demonstrations offer a kind of safe danger: confrontation without war, rebellion without revolution. Everyone subconsciously understands there is a line that will not be crossed. That knowledge transforms the experience into controlled play.
The old saying goes that the revolution will not be televised. Today's "revolution" is closer to scripted reality TV.
The anger we see is real, but what people are angry about often has little to do with what they are ostensibly protesting. You cannot truly reproduce another person's pain unless you've lived something closely analogousand even then, suffering is too personal to transfer cleanly from one nervous system to another. When individuals realize they aren't feeling the rage or empathy they think they should, they become angry at that inability itself.
What usually passes for empathy in mass movements is something closer to emotional simulation. People imagine what pain might feel like, then act accordingly. But imagination is shaped by narratives, symbols, and social cues. Over time, emotional expression becomes less about understanding another's lived experience and more about performing an expected role. At that point, empathy becomes imitation.
And empathy-as-performance is highly visible. It generates eyeballs and clicksthe currency of modern activism.
People chant, cry, rage, and posture because those behaviors signal moral alignment to the group. Signs, slogans, and gestures become props in a shared drama. The original grievance fades into the background while participation itself moves center stage. Protest stops being primarily about outcomes and starts being about identitybeing seen, belonging, and occupying a righteous place in a public narrative.
Participants become actors on a civic stage, playing parts absorbed from social media, cable news, and prior events. The rhythms are familiar, scripted, and repetitive. Real risk is replaced by amplified rhetoric. Conflict becomes stylized and predictablemore like a corporate outing to play laser tag than genuine confrontation. While the emotional intensity feels authentic to the players, it is sustained by performance rather than proximity to actual danger or suffering.
This dynamic reveals a profound asymmetry in how society distributes emotional concern. Law enforcement operates in environments of genuine, unpredictable danger. ICE officers and their families endure sustained stress, moral injury, and exposure to violence that most civilians will never experience. It doesn't photograph well, so it receives little empathyand we know from experience that what is quiet and routine is ignored; what can be dramatized commands attention.
Once protest becomes ritualized, it becomes easily manipulated. Organizers don't need to persuade people with complex arguments. They only need to supply a moral frame, a villain, and a stage. Participants provide the energy themselves, drawn by promises of meaning and belonging. What emerges is an army of true believers assembled at virtually no cost, animated less by concrete goals than by emotional rewards.
The process follows a familiar arc: grievance becomes simulation, simulation becomes performance, and performance hardens into identity. When that happens, the cause becomes secondary. The ritual becomes primary. People are no longer trying to alleviate suffering. They are trying to inhabit a role.
This is why demonstrations feel disconnected from practicalityand why so much of it just seems pointless. In the grand scheme of things, these events aren't designed to solve problems. They are designed to satisfy psychological needs: connection, moral affirmation, and controlled intensity.
In a society that has grown materially safe but spiritually restless, protest becomes a substitute for purpose. When real hardship recedes, people begin to simulate catastrophe. They moralize boredom, ritualize grievance, and replace consequence with choreography.
Empathy becomes a costume and outrage becomes set dressing. When that happens, protest becomes performance artplayed out on Minneapolis' subfreezing streets and its church sanctuaries as if it were an off-Broadway play, not because it changes the world, but because it makes participants feel alive and part of a tribe.
Wangchung
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Harrison Bergeron said:

Interesting read.

https://www.facebook.com/share/17uspf45X1/
Now that is an excellent take on the riots.
Our vibrations were getting nasty. But why? I was puzzled, frustrated... Had we deteriorated to the level of dumb beasts?

Harrison Bergeron
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Another interesting post by the same guy:

I am a creature of habitat least when it comes to my mornings.
I'm up at 4 a.m. First stop is getting the coffee going: a Keurig cup to start, followed by a pot of Black Rifle "Awaken the Neighbors" roast for the next dose of rocket fuel. Then I open my usual spray of web news from across the globe and absorb headlines for an hour or so, maybe jot down some essay ideas. At 5 a.m., I get dressed for my run and dog walk, get Ellie and Murph bundled into their coats with leashes attached, and we head out by about 5:15.
The advantage of this routine is that a few neighbors keep similar hours. I run into the same people at the same spots almost every day. Because not many are out at such an ungodly hour, it's a small group, and some have moved past the head-bob stage and sometimes stop to chat for a few minutes. My dogs know their dogs, it's a thing. It reminds me of my grandmother's old party-line telephone circuit down in Mississippi.
Sunday morning, I stopped to let my furry charges romp around a big area behind one of the LDS churches about a mile and a half from my house and ran into Tom (not his real name), a guy about my age with a similar career and education backgroundand two beautiful Labradors. He asked if I'd been following the local news about walkouts at area schools and universities. When I told him I had, he shared an interesting story.
Tom has a daughter and son-in-law who own their own business, finally getting traction after years of startup struggles and growing pains. They know firsthand how hard it is to make a small business work. One of their kids is a sophomore at the University of Utah; the other is a senior at a local high school. Both are solid liberal/heterodox thinkers (liberal in the classical sense, not progressive) and have worked part-time in the family business since it began.
They all gather as an extended family every Saturday night for dinner at Tom's house. This past Saturday, the conversation naturally turned to the news of the week and Friday's "strike." Tom asked his grandkids what they thought about the protests and what the protesters were actually protesting. According to him, this is what they said:
Most young people don't even know what they're protesting. For roughly 80%, it's simply an excuse to feel part of something. Public school culture focuses on whatever the trendy current thing is. Four years ago it was LGBTQ and bullying, two years ago it was transgender kids, and last yearafter Trump was electedit transitioned (no pun intended) to support for illegal aliens. They are like honeybees buzzing from flower to flower.
Most don't just get their news from social media; they get it from each other on social media, in an instant-messaging version of the old party game Telephone.
Both kids said virtual school during Covid made things worse. They lived entirely online, and instead of being flooded with information, their channels narrowed and became highly curated to feed only what they already wanted to hear and see. Even after schools returned to normal, those networks remained.
Their sense of history is extremely narrow and short. When one of the kids brought up Obama's stated position on immigration and deportation in class, the rest of the students didn't knowand didn't believehe'd said it. They assumed it was Trump.
They also said teachers aren't what parents remember. Some teachers are openly anti-religion, anti-capitalist, and anti-white. Those who aren't are afraid to speak out for fear of losing their jobs. Because school administrations are solidly secular, religious, conservative, and capitalist people self-select out of a toxic environment, don't get hired, or simply decide they don't want to teach.
Teaching materials are explicitly left-wing, agenda-driven, anti-conservative, and overtly anti-Trump. Almost every class includes a built-in dose of activism.
Most students have little to no civic education. They know virtually nothing about how America was founded (other than it was racist) or how government worksexcept for those who want to be "activists."
Many juniors and seniors are economically illiterate.
Many believe ICE is literally a military force attacking minorities and interning them in camps, including children. They also believe American citizens are being kidnapped and renditioned overseas for political reasons. Some believe Renee Good and Alex Pretti were intentionally ambushed and murdered by Trump's government.
Most are being conditioned by both parents and teachers to expect the worst from anyone who disagrees with them, and they're being indoctrinated not to trust any information that doesn't come through their own personal networks.
Many believe that if an immigrant comes here illegally, avoids law enforcement for a while, and finds a job, that constitutes legal citizenshipand that any illegal immigrant child enrolled in public school is equivalent to an actual citizen.
Many believe it's acceptable to disobey any law they personally consider unjust without consequence.
On the bright side, they said there are solidly conservative kidsbut they're the 20 of the 80/20 split.
Folks, this is in Utaha place once considered among the most conservative in America.
Andrew Breitbart was prescient when he said politics is downstream from culture, and what's happening in these schools is culture being rewritten at scale.
People ask me how we change our path. It has to start with these kids.
Here's the uncomfortable truth: adults created this environment, and adults are allowing it to continue. Children didn't decide to replace civic education with activism or substitute feelings for facts. They were allowedor taughtto do that, and now we're acting surprised by the results.
Civilizations don't drift indefinitely because eventually reality reasserts itself. My fear is that we've postponed that moment so long that the lesson will arrive through some sort of Malthusian hardship instead of reason.
Magical thinking always feels compassionate in the moment. It's only later that the bill comes due.
Harrison Bergeron
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Another good article that explains the hysterics.

Texas has accounted for 25% of all ICE arrests since enforcement ramped up. The state has processed thousands upon thousands of deportations. No riots. No mob violence against federal officers. No churches stormed during worship services.
Minnesota represents less than 1% of ICE arrests. And Minneapolis is on fire.
How do you explain that gap?
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The answer has nothing to do with immigration policy and everything to do with where Americans get their information.

What the Polling Actually Shows
At Cygnal, we recently surveyed voters on whether the Trump administration's deportation efforts have gone too far, are about right, or haven't gone far enough.
The results: 50% said too far, 48% said about right or not far enough. That's a statistical tie. A country split down the middle.
But if you only consumed legacy media coverage, you'd assume 80% of Americans are horrified by what's happening. You'd think the deportation efforts represent some unprecedented crisis of conscience for the nation.
They don't.
Nearly half the country supports the policy or wants it to go further. You just wouldn't know that from watching the evening news.
The real divide isn't about what Americans believe. It's about where they get the information that shapes those beliefs.
Inside the Information Bubbles
The data gets interesting when you cross-reference policy views with media consumption patterns.
Among voters who believe deportation efforts have gone "too far," 51% get their news primarily from national broadcast television: NBC, ABC, CBS. Compare that to 36% of all voters and just 14% of those who think enforcement hasn't gone far enough.
The "too far" crowd also over-indexes on newspaper consumption compared to the general voter population. These are the legacy media institutions, the ones that dominated American information for decades.
On the flip side, voters who believe deportation efforts haven't gone far enough slightly over-index on cable news (45% vs. 40% overall) and dramatically over-index on X, formerly Twitter (16% vs. 9% overall).
The "about right" middle? They're slightly more likely to get news from cable and Facebook than the average voter. No real drastic differences outside the fact they they also don't get as much of their news from legacy media.
What emerges is a clear pattern: liberals cluster heavily around broadcast television and print newspapers, while conservatives spread across cable, social media, and newer digital platforms.
These groups are consuming different facts, different story selections, different framings of what matters … and what doesn't.
The Amplification Machine
As said at the beginning, Minnesota represents less than 1% of ICE enforcement activity, but it's receiving wall-to-wall national coverage. Every confrontation, every protest, every dramatic standoff gets the full treatmenthelicopter shots, breathless correspondents, the works.
Texas is processing 25 times the enforcement activity with minimal national attention. Why? Because compliance doesn't generate clicks. Orderly deportations don't drive ratings. A state that implements federal policy without mass unrest isn't a story anyone wants to tell.
More importantly, it doesn't make Trump look bad in their minds like Minneapolis does.
The editorial choice to focus on Minnesota is about feeding an existing narrative to an audience that wants that narrative confirmed, not informing the public.
And the consequences are tangible. When broadcast networks run continuous coverage of "resistance" to immigration enforcement, they're sending a signal to activists in other cities: this is how you get attention. This is how you become part of the story. This is how you "fight Trump."
The coverage doesn't just reflect the violence. It incentivizes it.
The Death of Shared Reality
For most of American history, we argued about policy while agreeing on basic facts. Democrats and Republicans watched the same evening news, read the same wire service reports, saw the same footage. They disagreed about what to do, not about what was happening.
That's over.
And I wrote about in "America's Emotional Divide," we've entered an era where Americans increasingly inhabit separate factual universes. The "too far" voter and the "not far enough" voter are watching different incidents, hearing different statistics, encountering different human-interest stories designed to trigger different emotional responses.
When I conduct focus groups, I see this constantly. Voters will cite "facts" that are genuinely news to voters on the other sidenot because anyone is lying, but because their individual media ecosystems simply never surfaced that information.
This is what called tribal epistemology. Your tribe determines not just your values but your evidence. What counts as a credible source, a significant event, a representative exampleall of it filters through group identity before it reaches individual judgment.
What's Actually at Stake
The Minneapolis situation illustrates the real danger. You have a city tearing itself apart over enforcement activity that represents a statistical rounding error nationally. You have activists storming churches, attacking federal officers, setting fires. And the coverage of that chaos generates more chaos elsewhere.
Meanwhile, the state handling a quarter of all enforcement activity does so with minimal drama. But nobody's running prime-time specials on "How Texas Implemented Immigration Policy without Burning Down."
The question for us is straightforward: Are you going to let your media diet determine your reality? Or are you going to actively seek out primary data, diverse sources, and information that challenges your existing beliefs?
Democracy requires a shared factual foundation. When half the country thinks we're in a humanitarian crisis and half thinks we're finally enforcing laws that went ignored for decadesand both sides can cite "evidence" for their positionwe have a collective epistemological breakdown.
The information bubble doesn't just distorting immigration. Everything is distorted. And the only people who can pop it are the ones willing to step outside their comfortable media habits and ask what they might be missing.
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